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The
European Union: A Political Sociology
advances a new framework of social theory for studying the dynamics
of integration, governance and networks in Europe. In doing so it
offers the first full-length treatment of European integration from
a political sociology perspective.
The book's main contribution to EU studies is to problematize the
idea of integration, arguing that there are other important processes
shaping contemporary Europe, not all of them originating with or
capable of being fully controlled by the EU, and not all leading
to "ever closer union."
Within this broad objective the book concerns itself with such key
issues as the relation between the EU and globalization, the nature
of the EU state, and the question of whether a European society
can be said to exist. The book also addresses crucial policy areas
such as unemployment, citizenship, social exclusion, cohesion, core-periphery
relations, the "democratic deficit," and enlargement.
The
book also addresses crucial policy areas such as unemployment, citizenship,
social exclusion, cohesion, core-periphery relations, the "democratic
deficit", and enlargement.
The
book also recasts the core issues of political sociology by focusing
on the nature of, and relationship between, the state, society and
the individual in contemporary Europe, each fundamentally transformed
by both the processes of integration itself, and by wider processes
of social change such as globalization. To this end the book advances
three central propositions.
The first is that European integration poses questions which fall
beyond sociology’s traditional field of competence - state-centric
political rule and nationally bounded cleavages.
The second proposition is that a political sociology informed by
recent contributions to social theory, particularly the work of
the globalization theorists, post-Marxists and the governmentality
theorists, can make an extremely valuable contribution to thinking
about the nature of, and problems besetting, the European Union.
The third proposition is that the resulting political sociology
framework is potentially a very productive one with which we can
begin to understand the nature of transnational space in general,
and the EU in particular.
"A much
needed contribution to the study of the European Union from a sociological
perspective. Rumford usefully problematises most of the established
discourses on European integration and sets the debate in the context
of a globalising world."
Barrie Axford, Oxford Brookes University
"Rumford draws widely and authoritatively
on the new political sociology to show its potential for challenging
orthodox views on the future of Europe. The result is a very effective
argument that globalization as social transformation makes possible
multiple Europes beyond the limits of the European Union. This will
become a standard text for students of contemporary European politics
and society."
Martin Albrow, State University of New York, Stony Brook
Key features of the book
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Offers
the first full-length treatment of European integration from
a sociological perspective.
-
Demonstrates
the contribution political sociology can make to an understanding
of European integration.
-
Develops
a political sociology of transnational spaces.
-
Advances
a vigorous reinterpretation of the idea of European integration.
-
Engages
with contemporary social theory, especially the work of globalization
theorists, post-Marxists and governmentality theorists.
Chapters
- Introduction: a new approach to studying European integration
- The European Union and globalization
- The question of the European state
- European society
- Unemployment, social exclusion and citizenship
- Cohesion policy and regional autonomy
- Rethinking core-periphery relations
- Europe and democracy
- EU enlargement
- Conclusion

The
European Union: A Political Sociology
The
book is motivated by three major beliefs. First, that a political
sociology of European integration is much needed. Second, that political
sociology has much to offer in conceptualising and explaining the
dynamics of integration and the processes of contemporary social
change. Thirdly, that a political sociology of this kind can benefit
from the incorporation of ideas from contemporary social theory.
I am thinking particularly of ideas emerging from certain strands
of post-Marxism, and especially the work of the governmentality
and globalization theorists.
The
European Union: a political sociology combines a reassessment of
the key concerns of political sociology - the relationships that
exist between the individual, society and the state - with an analysis
of the major transformations of our time - the collapse of communism,
European Union integration, and globalization. The book recognises
that the object of traditional political sociology has undergone
many changes in recent times, resulting from both theoretical and
empirical shifts. As such, the book utilises 'cutting edge' sociological
theories in the task of understanding change in contemporary Western
Europe.
A
key theme in political sociology is the relationship between the
individual, society and the state. Many important issues in relation
to the EU centre on the type of state that the EU represents, the
nature of European society, and the role of the individual in the
European polity. In the case of the state, one version of the debate
centres not only on whether the EU is a nation-state writ large
or an internationalization of the national state for example, but
also the extent to which the EU represents a form of multi-level
government, with sub-national regional government and the supra-national
EU increasingly carrying out what were previously the tasks of the
nation-state. In relation to European society, it is frequently
asserted that sociology has traditionally assumed a congruence between
society and nation-state, and that it has been unwilling to question
the naturalness of these 'national containers'. The development
of the EU and the advent of pan-European structures of governance
causes us to reconsider the whole idea of society, and invites us
to consider the structure and organisation of social and political
life in a globalized world where trans-national flows are becoming
increasingly important. The corollary of this is that we can no
longer talk of homogenous national societies, and need to recognise
the plurality of social groups existing within (and across) nation-states.
European societies are multi-cultural, multi-ethnic etc. As for
the individual, there are many considerations invited by the ongoing
processes of European integration: questions of citizenship, involvement
in/exclusion from the political process, and the politics of identity
are some of the most prominent. So when dealing with social change
at this level we can say that the proximity of European integration
recasts the focus of sociological inquiry into the relationships
between the individual, society, and state, to take into account
new levels of state power, the existence of societies beyond states,
and a reordering of the role and responsibilities of the individual.
Such
an investigation forms part of the task of political sociology,
and in its own right is an interesting project. However, as I see
it, a study of contemporary Europe must investigate other, more
fundamental, changes. The brief discussion of the changing nature
of state and society outlined above assumes that to a significant
extent each remains largely unaltered by the processes that have
contributed to European integration. They are merely extended and
aggregated to a new level, or fractured and divided into new components.
Such an analysis also assumes that sociology can continue to employ
traditional concepts and theories with which to understand these
changes. One of the most important ideas that the proposed study
will develop is that the state, society and the individual have
been fundamentally transformed, and that it is the proper task of
political sociology to identify and deploy the most appropriate
tools with which to investigate such a transformation.
For
example, in the case of the state, it is no longer possible to talk
of the state - either the nation-state or its sub-or supra-national
variants - as the primary loci of political power. A criticism often
levelled at traditional political sociology is that its focus was
the central state, its powers and the party politics associated
with state rule. Contemporary sociology must examine the state within
the wider field of forms of government. In Europe the state is better
thought of as but one element in a decentred array of sources of
power and authority. To study the EU we must examine the type of
government consistent with the ways in which the EU seeks to regulate
a harmonized European economic space, for example. Or the ways in
which EU policies encourage the responsibilization and self-regulation
of a whole range of actors: regions, enterprises, citizens. In this
regard my thinking is influenced by the governmentality theorists,
whose work I will discuss in more detail later.
A
sociological study of the EU offers an opportunity to examine the
nature of European societies under conditions of globalization.
Indeed, the European Union is very model of the trans-national,
globalized, post-industrial societies that should be the focus of
political sociology. A study of contemporary European societies
must begin with the recognition that in the same way that the state
has undergone many changes, society too has been transformed. If
the EU is not a nation-state writ large then neither can European
society be simply an enlarged and expanded version of that found
within nations. We must accept the need for a new conceptual approach
to the studies of society. One of the key elements in such an approach
is to problematize the notion of civil society. It is argued that
civil society is an outmoded notion and that there are two main
reasons why this is the case. The first is to do with the way that
it is employed within sociology, the second a conceptual consideration
of its role in a political sociology of contemporary Europe.
There
is a trend towards valorising civil society as the realm of possibility
for progressive political change. This is particularly true in the
case of 'global civil society'. On this model, under conditions
of globalization many organisations exist not just between the individual
and the (national) state, but also outside national boundaries,
and, importantly, also across them. Global civil society opens the
way for the development of global democratic institutions and underpins
the idea of cosmopolitan democracy. There are many problems with
this formulation (in addition to its unwarranted optimism): it works
with a very narrow and limited notion of civil society, detaches
it from its traditional relationship with the state, and expands
it to global proportions. In fact, the entire state/civil society
relationship is projected onto a global framework: the internationalization
of the state is coupled with the globalization of civil society.
I wish to argue that this is not an appropriate framework within
which to view contemporary change in the EU.
One
reason for this is that it is the liberal democratic model of civil
society, rather than the Marxist one, for example, that is currently
dominant in political sociology. This means that there is a strong
association of civil society with the idea of political freedom,
expression of opposition to an existing regime, and democratization.
The idea of civil society has been invested with associations of
political and democratic progress in the face of state intransigence:
I am thinking of the way it has been used to characterise emerging
democratic and free-market structures in the former communist countries
of Eastern Europe and Turkey, for example. There are several problems
with this characterisation from the perspective of political sociology.
For example, it suggests a separation of the realms of state and
civil society which is not compatible with the brief analysis of
the state outlined above ie. that the state should be seen as but
one source of authority within a much broader field of government
and political power relations. Neither is it compatible with the
position developed by Gramsci, that civil society is a realm in
which democratic rule is exercised. Also, we know from the governmentality
theorists that government also works through the agencies and manageable
spaces of 'civil society'. Rather than being a realm of freedom
civil society is a technology of government.
There
is another reason why the concept of civil society is outmoded,
and why it cannot simply be resurrected as global civil society.
Theorists of globalization and the post-Marxists for example, have
undermined the idea of society as a coherent unit, as a totality.
As such we must embrace the idea that there is no single organising
principle structuring society. Following Laclau, perhaps it is more
appropriate to talk about 'the social' rather than society. This
has the advantage of removing associations of a bounded, discrete,
regulated entity conjured up by the idea of society. If we view
the social as not fixed and stable, but incomplete and unbounded,
then it is no longer possible to view civil society as a discrete
realm of the social with a privileged role in the transformation
of society. The idea of the social has, I believe, an important
application to contemporary Europe. The idea of the social as an
unbounded collection of elements not patterned according to the
logic of a determining principle further frees us from the necessity
to study the EU in terms of either a supra-national entity or the
aggregate of its member states. The idea of the social also allows
us to move away from a rigid cartographical notion of the EU. We
can begin to think of the EU not as a totality or an integrated
whole, but as a series of overlapping networks and diffuse power
centres.
So
far I have sketched some key features of, and new relationships
between, society and the state occasioned by European integration.
I have emphasised the need to go beyond an approach that merely
refocusses sociological inquiry to accommodate the existence of
new levels of state power and the existence of societies beyond
states. To this end I have outlined a political sociology which
acknowledges changing forms of political governance and the concomitant
reordering of society. However, there is still another dimension
of political sociology that we have not yet discussed: the problematization
of the notion of the individual. We can say that one of the most
important aspects of a whole range of theorizing in the field of
political sociology (especially work associated with poststructuralism,
postmodernism, post-Marxism) has been to challenge established notions
of the individual (the subject). The notion of the subject associated
with modernity, the purposive, self-conscious, reflexive, human
agent has given way, under the influence of postmodern thought (broadly
construed) to a notion of the decentred, fragmented and partial
subject whose identity is neither given a priori or fixed, but open,
contingent and malleable. This has implications for the individual
both as a political actor and as a member of a collectivity. In
the same way as societies are no longer though to be unitary with
respect to ethnic and national identity, our collectives selves
are increasingly seen as fractured, fragmented and multiple. These
shifts have several consequences. First, the object of politics
is no longer what it under conditions of modernity. Collective political
action is no longer centred on the politics of state power: it is
increasingly an ethical politics centred on the expression of self-identity.
Second, political and social transformation does not necessarily
proceed according to previously accepted models. The politics of
emancipation have given way to a politics of identity recognition
in the passage from modernity to postmodernity and post-materialism.

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