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A
book on global media governance which covers both "traditional"
media categories and the internet, and which seeks to examine the
ways that the media industries have been reorganized by the processes
of globalization is a particularly welcome addition to the literature.
Global Media Governance examines the development of institutions
which work to regulate the media at the global level, notably the
International Telecommunication Union, the World Trade Organization,
UNESCO, the World Intellectual Property Organization and the Internet
Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers.
The main argument advanced by the book can be summarised
as follows. Globalization has catalysed the commodification and
free-market orientation of media and communications industries and
has taken the responsibility for governance out of the hands of
the nation-state. In moving from national to global regulation media
governance has lost its public service responsibilities and duty
to contribute to human development, and has become overpowered by
the interests of the private sector and neo-liberal ethics. Put
simply, interests sponsored by the UN system representing "balanced
global development" (p. 151) have been elbowed aside by the WTO
(spurred on by the more powerful western governments) to make room
for market forces.
Globalization looms large in the account and yet
receives little explanation, the authors announcing early on that
the book "does not venture into the theoretical terrain of globalization
theories" (p. xii). This might not be perceived as such a weakness
if the authors did not themselves advance such a forceful, albeit
one-dimensional, interpretation of globalization. They hold that
globalization is little more that Western economic imperialism under
another name, the project of a US-led group of developed countries
designed to increase their wealth and prosperity at the expense
of developing nations.
This is a melodramatic account of a world in which
the globalization of trade and finance has permitted the US and
the WTO to take over the institutions of global media governance
in order to dominate the humanitarian forces of the UN, powerless
underdeveloped nations, and the forces of civil society. This portrayal
of global media governance contains a number of weaknesses. These
stem in no small part from the authors' tendency to polarize the
issues. The reader is left with the distinct impression that national
governance = good, global governance = bad; UN = good, WTO = bad.
This produces some predictable results. For example, in their eagerness
to attack the negative impact of the globalization of free-market
capitalism on global media governance the authors overlook the fact
that in the hands of domestic political elites in underdeveloped
nations media governance often serves to regulate, censor and structure
media flows and promote a national identity intolerant of cultural
diversity.
Similarly, the authors treat civil society as an
overall force for good, never delving into its own capacity for
regulation, governance and rule. Civil society is portrayed as the
site of potential opposition to the dominant neo-liberal consensus,
in accordance with the liberal and over-optimistic interpretation
of civil society current favoured in much social science literature.
The influence of civil society on global media governance remains
rather circumscribed, and despite advances in recent years particularly
within the UN system, civil society can only exert an ameliorating
influence external to governance structures. However, working in
tandem with the UN to campaign on media governance issues national
and global civil society could in the future restrain the worst
excesses of market-driven media governance. What is omitted from
this account is that governance can take place within and through
civil society. In a broad range of cultural studies and political
science literature - from Gramsci to Foucault and the governmentality
theorists - civil society is thought of as a site where power can
be exercised and political domination reproduced.
The authors make much of the idea that the West is increasingly
able to regulate global media through its selective support for
international organizations, yet do not explore the implications
of the insight that governance takes place in part through media
regulation. In short, Global Media Governance deals only with the
global instruments for the regulation of the media not governance
through the media, which is potentially a much more important and
complex topic. This selectivity has its roots in the usage of global
governance employed by the authors. Global governance is thought
of less as a series of structures for the operation of new forms
of (non-state) regulation and more in terms of world-wide regulatory
structures coming together from intergovernmental agreements and
then usurped by powerful international interests.
The book is listed as a primer and aimed at undergraduates in media
and communication studies. Students in these disciplines as well
as international relations, cultural studies, politics and international
law will find the sections devoted the rise and transformation of
the key institutions of media governance to be particularly useful.
In addition, the book provides useful summaries of many key issues
stemming from the struggles to participate in and control the emerging
regimes of global media governance. However, students will have
to look elsewhere for an account which does justice to the complexity
of the impact of globalization of the media industries, the multi-dimensional
nature of global governance, and the sometimes contradictory roles
of different actors in these processes.
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