Dr Chris Rumford, Senior Lecturer in Political Sociology, Royal Holloway, University of London
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"Cosmopolitanism and Europe"
conference. Royal Holloway, University of London, 22-23 April 2004
Abstracts
Gerard
Delanty, What does it mean to be a “European”?
The paper explores the notion
of Europeanism, asking the question what means to be an
“European”? in much the same terms as in Michael Walzer’s often cited essay, ‘What does it mean to be an
“American” ?’ Walzer’s analysis will serve as a point
of departure for a discussion of different conceptions of European
self-understanding. The paper will also critically discuss the nascent
discourse of anti-Americanism, arguing that it is premised on false claims
about American identity, as well as implausible assumptions about Europe.
Again, on the basis of Walzer’s arguments concerning
American identity as consisting of hyphenated identities, some points of
contrast will be developed in the course of an argument that will attempt to
highlight the cosmopolitan currents within European self-understanding.
Ben
Rosamond “Globalization, the ambivalence of European integration
and the possibilities for a post-disciplinary EU studies”
This paper commences from Castells'
intriguing observation that 'European integration is, at the same time, a
reaction to the process of globalization and its most advanced expression'.
This observation about the EU's ambivalence in the
face of global processes is confirmed by recent work on European integration
and globalization, but a good deal of scholarship in EU studies and the
political economy of European integration remains wedded to (a) rationalist and
(b) discipline-based searches for simple patterns of causality. This paper argues that these predominant
scholarly patterns reflect broader issues in mainstream 'globalization
studies'. The EU offers a key test case in this regard because (a) it
challenges embedded notions of spatial scale (b) offers a model of governance
that breaks with the traditional hierarchies of the Westphalian
state and (c) reveals the fuzzy boundaries between academic and policy
discourses of globalization.
Paul Statham
“A ‘Europeanisation’ of the Public
Sphere in Britain: Path dependent or Conflict driven?”
This paper will investigate
the level, degree and form of ‘Europeanisation’ that
is evident in the political claims-making and institutional networking by
collective actors in the British public sphere, by reference to original
empirical data. The main theoretical questions to be addressed will be the
extent to which the level, degree and form of ‘Europeanisation’
in the public sphere is shaped by institutional developments, on one side, and
the role of conflict about Europe and its contribution to ‘Europeanisation’,
on the other. Political claims-making covers the ‘visible’ aspects of the
political demands made by collective actors in the public sphere. Sometimes,
however, negative findings with respect to ‘Europeanisation’
from claims-making data, have been criticised, because this method fails to
capture non-visible public events and demands, such as those by insider lobby
publics. In addition, and to counter this criticism, we propose to use a set of
data from structured interviews with key actors in key policy fields which will
provide evidence on the nature and type of links between actors within these
networks (with respect to the degree, level and form of ‘Europeanisation’).
The proposed analysis will be comparative across time and policy field
–European integration, immigration, agriculture- for Britain. A cross-national comparative dimension will be
included by incorporating findings from a previous article that compares
claims-making France and Britain. Through this cross-national comparative dimension,
we will also be able to address the issue of ‘British exceptionalism’:
to what extent British experiences are atypical or generalisable.
Ash Amin, Towards a New Idea of Europe
Eleonore Kofman “Figures
of the Cosmopolitan: migrants and
privileged nationals”
In contemporary European
social and political thought, cosmopolitanism is frequently closely linked with
the cultural citizen, ‘the modern person who is able to exercise rights and who
conceives him or herself as the consumer of other cultures and places’ (Urry 1995). The
cultural citizen is open to the variety of global cultures and can participate
equally at all levels of society from the local to the global. The world is
their oyster. The cosmopolitan or privileged national moves freely and
unfettered in space and in the imaginary .From a secure vantage point, this
cosmopolitan is at home anywhere. Yet this figure of the cosmopolitan draws upon
an ambiguous historical baggage where the rootless and flexible outsider, was
treated with suspicion and hostility. In 20th century Europe,
cosmopolitanism epitomised the Jew with divided allegiances
and little attachment to the land,
and more often at home in the city, unlike indigenous populations. This has also been the refrain of many Far
Right parties. Other groups such as the
Roma, who have pursued non-conforming mobilities and
non-sedentary existences, have also been excluded from national imaginaries and
spaces. Today the fear of divided
loyalties and transnational political participation
falls in particular upon Europe’s Muslim populations, who must demonstrate that they
are not cosmopolitan. Thus what is
interpreted positively in the privileged national is deemed to be negative and
problematic in the migrant. Unlike other
concepts that seek to transcend the nation-state – transnationalism
and diaspora – there seems to be no place for the
migrant, whom some might argue is the real cosmopolitan. This paper argues
that, if cosmopolitanism
is to form an integral element in
the rethinking of European
territoriality and identities, it must
confront its ambiguities and conflicting figures.
Nick
Stevenson “European
Civil Society: Questions of Culture, Peace and Violence”
The concept of civil society
has been essential to democratic theory and numerous social movements. The idea
of civil society usually refers to the networks and associations that are
formed between the home and the state that allow for public forms of discussion
and argument. The idea of civil society came back into discussion during the
eighties when a number of Eastern European dissident intellectuals pointed out
how Communist practice and ideology severely restricted civic forms of
expression. Returning to some of the arguments in the European peace movement
before the revolutions of 1989 the article reflects upon the notions of civil
society that emerged from these conversations. Here I shall mainly focus upon
the writing of E.P.Thompson and other intellectuals
who sought to develop more ‘cosmopolitan’ forms of dialogue across the bloc
system. In the next section, I argue that cosmopolitan arguments depend upon a
related but transformed notion of civil society. The potential emergence of a
Global/European civil society being dependent the development of what Habermas has called a ‘cosmopolitan consciousness’. However
I argue this is likely to be a contested term in the context of the ambiguous
development of both media and militaristic cultures in the European context.
Here I look at contemporary cultural debates in respect of questions of
‘indifference’ and feminist concerns about the link between militarism and
masculinity. Finally, I look at some of the arguments that seek to rethink Europe’s
relationship with America in context of the war on terror.
Luke Martell, Britain and globalisation
This paper examines debates on globalisation in
relation to their specific applicability to Britain. The paper argues that there has been a trend away
from general and abstract discussions of globalisation to an approach which
differentiates the impact of globalisation more by sphere and locality. This is
a progressive step, it is argued, but one that may underestimate the power of neo-liberal
economic globalisation across different spheres and localities. It argues that
globalisation can only be understood historically, as a product of the modern
era rather than a new rupture of the recent age of information technology, and
as something that has to be located in terms of historical processes and
institutions such as the expansion of capitalism and the nation-state. It must
also be seen critically, meaning through an approach which differentiates the
impact of globalisation and sees it in terms of power and inequality. The paper
will examine these themes in relation to the impact of globalisation in Britain. It will be argued that the British experience has to
be understood in relation to Britain's imperial past, its links with the USA and Europe, its role in international organisations and global
interventions and its role in anglo-american
capitalism. Britain, it will be argued, is a globalising and globalised country.
Victor Roudometof,
Mapping the Cosmopolitan - Local Continuum
In current debates by European theorists, the EU is
often hailed as the very prototype of cosmopolitanism in political and cultural
matters. This line of thinking rests on a rather naïve juxtaposition of
cosmopolitanism and localism and fails to divorce the philosophical advocacy of
cosmopolitanism from the presence of cosmopolitan attitudes among the European
public. A more fruitful strategy for understanding cosmopolitanism and localism
is to view them as attitudes borne out of the increasing strength of transnational networks and the "internal
globalization" or "glocalization" of
social life. Is the European integration bound to produce greater levels of
cosmopolitan attitudes among the European public? While theorists often imply
that, this paper argues that it is necessary to turn this issue into an
empirical question. Hence, the paper sets out the following proposition:
greater levels of transnationalization (and the
deepening of European integration), lead to a bifurcation of attitudes, whereby
individuals are compelled to adopt one of two different postures. First,
individuals can adopt an open, cosmopolitan attitude with respect to transnational interactions & the globalization of
individual biographies. Second, they can adopt a closed, defensive, or local
attitude. Unlike their popular conceptualization as discontinuous variables,
the two concepts should not be viewed as rigid constructions, for it is
unlikely that individual attitudes will conform to such stereotypes. On the
contrary, the two ideal types of cosmopolitan and local provide the two ends of
a continuum where individuals' attitudes might range in strength depending upon
specific dimensions. The paper develops an operationalization
of the cosmopolitan-local continuum & discusses the specific dimensions
where it is expected that each group's attitudes would diverge. The
cosmopolitan - local continuum includes the following dimensions: first, the
degree of attachment to a locality; second, the degree of attachment to a state
or country; third, the degree of attachment and support toward a local culture;
and finally, the degree of support toward economic, cultural and institutional
protectionism.
Paul Hopper, Globalization, Cosmopolitanism
& European Identity
Since the project of European economic and political
integration began there has been an ongoing debate about whether it will lead
to the development of a pan-European identity. In this paper the prospects for the formation
of such an identity will be examined, taking into account the impact that
globalization and cosmopolitanism may have upon this process. The paper begins
by examining the arguments raised by writers who consider the development
of a collective European identity faces insurmountable obstacles, most notably
the enduring strength of existing national identities. In this regard, writers such as Michael Billig believe the new experiment that is taking place within
Europe will still be carried out in the existing language
and concepts of nationalism and national identity. However, the argument of this paper is that
if a sense of ‘Europeanness’ is to emerge it will largely have to be a
post-national project, containing both modern and cosmopolitan aspects. More specifically, the political principles
of universal citizenship, democracy and constitutionalism associated with
the Enlightenment and modernity will need to be combined with an attempt to
integrate genuinely cosmopolitan approaches into the European project. In defending this position, it will be claimed
that aspects of globalization have the potential to generate more cosmopolitan
attitudes, which in turn can foster multiple identities and allegiances that
transcend the nation-state. Thus far,
however, member-states within the EU, both individually and collectively,
have been pursuing essentially defensive responses towards globalization.
This is especially evident in European attitudes towards global migration,
reflected in the building of ‘Fortress Europe’ and the current EU conception
of citizenship, which is founded upon exclusivity and discrimination. Indeed, this model of citizenship undermines
any notion that the EU is an example of an actually existing cosmopolitan
democracy.
Natalia
Chaban, EU: View from Down Under: Images of Europe
in New
Zealand
news media
The
paper is broadly concerned with the pivotal role of communication and
information in the processes of globalization.
It intends to trace which factors of the foreign news coverage in
national media can facilitate or obstruct the establishment of interconnections between different regions of the world. More specifically, this study highlights the
nature of reporting on the European Union (EU) within New Zealand (NZ) print
and TV media during 2000-2002. This is
examined via formal and content analysis of 1,828 newspapers articles from 19
newspapers and 129 news items from 14 TV programs. All texts focus on the
EU. The analysis of NZ media agenda on
the EU is particularly relevant given an increasing interaction between the
expanding Union and Asia-Pacific.
On the other hand, the changing profile
of NZ society, the presumed weakening of traditional ties to the UK, as well as
NZ’s discussion of it’s possible Asia-Pacific
‘identity’ all serve to underline the necessity of empirical analysis of
contemporary NZ perceptions of Europe as one of the ‘significant Others’. There
is no single theoretical model for exploring the effects of foreign news in
international communication. This paper
employs the four-element model suggested by Westersthål
and Johansson (1994) including importance,
proximity, drama, and the access
to the news. Those factors are assumed
to influence the media effects on setting the global issues agenda on local
level. Attention is paid to whether media factors contribute to the low prominence
of the EU related issues on NZ general public agenda, and to recently observed
NZ public sentiment towards localization.
It would appear that NZ news media, although possessing a unique power
of picturing the ‘worlds out of touch, out of reach and out of sight’ (Lippmann 1922), is underperforming in increasing the intensity
of global connections.
Syed
Hamidullah, Globalization – European experiences.
The collapse of Soviet Union and the end of ideological division of Europe
gave a fillip to the idea of United States of Europe. The Maastricht treaty reflected the European Union’s ambition to
move forward towards economic and monetary union and to set up the framework
for a common foreign and security policy. The European Union is an important player
in globalization and a credible model for a supranational bloc. The European
Union’s success in setting up monetary union and a common currency is a unique
in history. The European union has responded rather
slowly to the challenges of globalization, especially as regards to effects on
relations with developing countries. The preparation for implementing the 2nd
round of textile trade liberalization as agreed on the Uruguay round will, according to the European Commission
reflect the degree of access enjoyed by the European exports to such textile
supplier countries as Brazil, India, Indonesia, Pakistan and Thailand. So our research here we done the impact of the
globalization on the agriculture of our country because 70% of our country’s
population consist of agrarian society, the rest of population is related to
agriculture in indirect form. Our country is a major producer raw material as,
Cotton, Tobacco and other such crops and with no refinery industry. Our
research clearly illustrates that the EU has become a major player in the
international political and economic system. It plays active role on WTO
platform. It also allows EU and other member’s states to establish their
relations under recognized trade laws. The growth in the world trade and our dependence
on it as well as the increasing integration of the world economy is part of
phenomena of globalization. The EU’s use of
preferential trade agreements with its partners in the developing world
reflects the EU’s efforts to integrate them into the
global economy. With developing countries the EU has a softer approach. The
developing world demands market access in the EU and the US and more considerable IMF and WB policies on loans.
It is imperative for international peace and stability that the prosperous
countries render serious help to the developing countries to overcome poverty,
illiteracy and malnutrition.
Francis
Cheneval, Procedural
cosmopolitanism and multilateral democracy – normative foundations of the
(not exclusively) European polity-process
The
paper’s methodological approach is foundational in the political sense. In
other words, it is constitutional. (1) Its underlying assumption is that the
basic structural conditions of politics, i.e. the territorial state and the
international system of states, are undergoing a process of profound
transformation. This process is characterized by the “unbundling” of territory,
by cultural globalization and by the functionally differentiated reconstitution
of territorial hierarchies through cooperation between states. We live in a
dynamic world of overlapping, territorially incongruent political
organizations, of functionally differentiated networks of communication and
trade. This new socio-political setting calls for a dynamic and transformative
concept of the constitutional basis of politics. (2) The paper proposes a
normative principle of this dynamic constitutional process in the concept of
“procedural cosmopolitanism”. The latter is justified by an “original position”
which, unlike the rawlsian models, does not
presuppose but construct the basic structure of politics (for details cf.
infra). The result is not any definite political ontology characterized by
substantive basic structures and a system ruled by traditional international
law. This is only seen as the point of departure of a process in which
democratic nation-states seek functionally differentiated integration following
a process-guiding principle of an ever greater realization of individual
liberty and democratic autonomy. (3) The consequence of this normative approach
and analysis of the “postmodern” structures of
politics is that the EU cannot be considered as another nation-state in the
making. It is a proto-cosmopolitan network-polity embedded in a wider European
as well as transatlantic system (including NATO, OECD, ECHR).
Its normative basis is “procedural cosmopolitanism” not substantive
nation-statehood. Its “closing in” (e.g. pushed by Habermas) though the possible foundation of a European Federal State would be a regression not a progress. The
institutions of the EU (IGC, EP, Commission, Council, European Court) enact multilateral democracy by the protection of
the rule of law, individual rights and national autonomy. The EU’s legitimacy would not gain but suffer by the creation of
a super-state in the image of the traditional nation-state. Europe
would lose its status of proto-cosmopolitan democratic polity.
Jan Delhey, An ever closer union of people? National and transnational trust between EU citizens
Whereas
most research on the EU is concerned with political integration, this contribution
seeks to analyse European integration from a sociological perspective.
It deals with the degree and dynamic of social integration between the component
societies of the EU, defined as bottom-up transnational
integration between ordinary citizens from different EU-countries. Conceptually,
transnational integration carries both quantitative
aspects (transactions) and qualitative aspects (cohesion). In my contribution,
the issue of cohesion is addressed by using national and transnational
trust, and the relation between the two, as key indicators. The approach
is empirical in employing Eurobarometer survey data from 1976-1997, thus tracking 20
years of social change in the member-countries. Four questions will be addressed:
n Two what extent do Europeans limit generalised social
trust to their compatriots only? Or do they trust people from other EU
countries in the same way they trust their fellow countrymen. In other words:
How permissive is the “mental border” drawn between nationals and Europeans.
n In a time perspective, is there a clear trend towards
growing trust in other Europeans? Or has the “mental border” between own
nationals and other Europeans remained stable over the past 20 years?
n Are national and transnational
trust friends or foes? Is this relationship changing over time, and if so, in a
direction indicating an Europeanisation of social
cohesion and solidarity?
n Which of the several enlargements of the European
Union have increased and which have decreased the overall level of cohesion
among Europeans? Which impact is foreseeable for eastward enlargement, and why?
Andreas
Pollmann,
European Identity: An Exploration amongst Future Teachers in Germany
My contribution will be about
German prospective teachers’ identifications with Europe.There
is relatively little empirical research on the topic
of European identity that goes beyond a secondary analysis of Eurobarometer studies. Moreover, considering that the (at
least partial) influence of formal education on the formation of cultural
identities is widely acknowledged, it surprises that there is hardly any
empirical data on Europe’s future educators. In my presentation, I will
concentrate on 4 interrelated research questions. In more concrete terms, I
will give attention to (a) how the prospective teachers perceive the European
Union; (b) how far their perceptions of Europe reflect different notions of
identity (e.g. fluid versus fixed, inclusive versus exclusive,
ethnical/cultural versus civic); (c) what influences the degree of their
European identity; (d) and whether they would accept personal sacrifices to the
European Union instead of Germany. My presentation will draw upon fieldwork
conducted at the Pedagogical University of Schwäbisch
Gmünd, a relatively small university with about 1200
students inscribed in different teacher training programmes. Schwäbisch Gmünd is a Southern
German town with roughly 60.000 inhabitants. In addition to a survey of 72
students, I carried out 5 qualitative in-depth interviews.Overall,
my analysis suggests the principal reconcilability of different identities
(e.g. European, national, regional) and shows that for most students their
European identity plays a considerable role in the orchestra of their multiple identities.One of several more specific findings shows that
high levels of attachment to the Nation State and high levels of attachment to
Europe are not mutually exclusive. However, the students’ accounts indicate a
rather rationally grounded identification with Europe,
whereas they suggest a much more emotional identification with the Nation
State.
Ramona
Samson, Denmark: European Integration -a Romanian Perspective
Europe is not a given. Understanding and defining Europe is culturally sensitive. The concepts
usually applied to describe Europe and
the integration process is likewise dependant on who looks at Europe. This is true for present member states, and
the diversity of understandings will only increase with more members after
enlargement. We need to recognize the “double sidedness” of the Enlargement. EU
is enlarging with new member states. Or seen from their perspective, these
countries choose to become part of EU. Neither side has a monopoly on defining
the concepts to understand Europe. The
main assumption of the paper is that Europe is
interpreted differently from Central and Eastern Europe. The paper will conceptualise European
integration in terms of culture and identity from a Romanian perspective. It is
concluded that the way key concepts are understood influences the way we
interpret European integration.
Maurice
Roche, Cosmopolitanism’
and international sport culture: Forms
and limits of ‘cosmopolitanism’ in general and in relation to Europe
This
working paper draws
from my work on the sociology of citizenship, popular culture and cultural
policy (particularly ‘mega-events’ and sport), and more generally from work in
progress on European society and culture. It aims to provide some material from
which to
reflect on meanings and uses of the concept of ‘cosmopolitanism’ both in
general and in relation to Europe. It suggests
that cosmopolitanism has at least four distinct meanings One is normative and
political and the other three are more descriptive and cultural. The normative
and political meaning refers to the aspiration and ideal relating to the future
development of forms of democracy, law and effective authority beyond the level
of the nation-state. However cosmopolitanism can also be argued to have a
number of other more descriptive meanings related to culture. It is suggested
that these more descriptive meanings and the fields of culture and cultural
policy in general need to be borne in mind when considering the current and
future prospects for cosmopolitan political ideals. The three descriptive
cultural meanings are ‘commonsensical’, ‘mediatised’
and ‘official’ meanings. The paper focuses mainly on the official meanings, but also makes
reference en passant to the commonsense and mediatised
meanings. In relation to ‘official cosmopolitanism’ the paper outlines two
examples of the production of versions of ‘international popular culture’,
namely on the one hand in a global context the production of ‘popular cultural
mega-events’ particularly the Olympic Games, and, on the other hand, in a
European context the production of televised sport, particularly football. It
notes the commonsense cosmopolitanism of these spheres and forms of popular
culture, and also the interaction of ‘official’ policy actors in international
civil society in their ‘official’ production.
In the European case it suggests that we need to give greater
consideration than hitherto to forms of commonsense cosmopolitan experience and
‘Europeanisation’, including forms which may be as much
products of mass consumerism and market regulation as they are of elite-driven
attempts at official European identity-creation. The discussion raises
questions for the normative political concept of cosmopolitanism as applied to
the European case. The conclusion comments briefly on these questions and on
the conceptual and research challenges they pose for interdisciplinary work in
this field.
Paul Jones, Constructing Identities: Cosmopolitanism and Architecture
Architecture has been a
relatively overlooked area in social theory, but this paper suggests that it
has the potential to become an important component of expressions of the
pluralized, post-national identities that are emerging in some European
societies. Although cosmopolitanism has been a significant discourse for those
wishing to conceptualise democracy and identities beyond the nation-state,
finding suitably diverse and relevant symbols to give substance to such
identities has been problematic. Official EU attempts to codify such an
identity are illustrative of this tension, with many suggesting that such
efforts are part of the politicised project of an institution bereft of
legitimacy and in search of a cultural identity.
Here I argue that architecture has the
potential to serve as a focus for disparate identity debates of many kinds,
perhaps particularly so for the pluralized and reflexive identity discourses
emerging in the contemporary European context. From this perspective it is not
so much the style of landmark buildings that is significant for the
reflection and creation of identities, but rather the capacity of these
large-scale architectural projects to provide a focus for a wide range of
debates pertaining to national and post-national identities. Drawing on some
illustrative examples from the contemporary European context, I argue that it
is the primarily discursive nature of architectural medium that provides the
potential for diverse discussions on a range of identities. Social theory
should engage with the increasing politicisation of landmark architecture in Europe,
particularly as it is becoming an important symbolic statement for new forms of
collective identities.
Maria Xenitidou, Cosmopolitanism
and the European project: Exploring identity issues and processes
The process of Europeanization has been subjected to multiple
theoretical efforts designed to account for its social impact in Europe. Recently,
resurgent ways of theorizing involve juxtaposing the liberal principles of
cosmopolitanism, constructivist theories on identity formation, and nationalist
accounts of reaffirmation of traditional values and state boundaries.
Cosmopolitanism developed through the claims of idealism and universal reason
in the Enlightenment. Although the manifestations of the cosmopolitan project
heavily focus on cosmopolitan democracy and institutions, there is an intrinsic
functional requirement to link the cosmopolitan dialogue to issues of cultural
identity. Thus, the ideal of tolerance of the ‘other’, the hybridization of
culture and of transnational cultures and communities, are juxtaposed to their
‘failure’, namely that of nationalism. However, the interplay between
‘abroad-transnational/home-national’ is discernible at the root of a
cosmopolitan make-up and informs the discursive practices employed in
considering identity. At the European level, the principles of transnationality are employed in an interactive
relationship of both describing and informing practices in the EU. At the same
time, the ‘home’ distinction is preserved as the starting point, entailing a
process of negotiation in a constant making, remaking, and sustaining of the
trajectory of national identity. Working from within the western framework and
practice of political organization associated with territoriality in the form
of the nation-state, this paper will invoke accounts of 1) the nationalization
of culture (through the use of symbols and traditions) and 2) constitutional
nationalism (sustaining the sovereignty of the nation-state) in order to
contextualize the background on which European-transnational-identity may be
considered in a Europe of nation-states. This approach departs from the
either/or distinction in order to explore spheres of multiple allegiance.
Finally, in an attempt to elucidate this process, this paper will explore as a
case the interplay between European and national identity in making, remaking,
and sustaining the trajectory of Greek identity.
Fernando Garcia, Café Culture in Madrid: Pink Cosmopolitanism in Europe
The
people of Madrid have always implicated their identities in
cosmopolitan spheres of consciousness. Throughout its history as capital city
and as capital of an imperial power, it’s been more cosmopolitan than most
cities in Europe. Cosmopolitan in the sense of a
grassroots awareness that Madrid isn’t it: that Madrid and its citizens exist within a wider world of connected people and places; that Madrid and its citizens exist because of this wider
world of connected people and places. In this paper I will argue
that today, Madrid’s gay people and spaces are also connected to a cosmopolitan geography of Europe
and beyond. This paper comes from my research interests, which involve
exploring contemporary trends in Madrid’s new (i.e. post-Franco) urban culture, as
experienced in and through the city’s cafés. I’m particularly interested in the
marriage of 21st century European Madrid with the development of
and interplay between things like everyday café culture, consumer
culture, and of course, cosmopolitan flows of ideas and identities. I will
explore one emblematic figure of Madrid’s contemporary urban culture: the gay flâneur. The gay flâneur
regularly consumes and reproduces much cosmopolitan iconography and cultural
production available in Madrid’s
cafés. Today, alongside other symbols, fads, linguistic idiosyncrasies, trends
in fashion, music and literature, Madrid’s gay people and cafés implicate their
identities within a network of ‘pink cosmopolitanism’, through, for instance,
design, marketing and events. This isn’t a commercial globalising thematic that
gay communities around the world can simply clone but if they do adopt them
they will also indigenise them. In Madrid’s cafés, the gay flâneur
consumes a huge array of cosmopolitan cultural products (e.g. popular press,
music, food and fashion) and also performs their cultural identity through a
European, spatialised cosmopolitan consciousness. I
will argue that as key convivial spaces, cafés are vital to the cosmopolitan
identities of Europe’s citizens.
Marek Jeziński, Cosmopolitanism, national identity and the European Union: the hopes and fears. The case
of Polish political discourse at the eve of the EU accession
In
the paper the issue of cosmopolitanism is discussed as the idea opposing the
quest of national identity in the political discourse of the post-communist
states at the eve of the EU accession. Political discourse is suppose to
reflect broadly understood set of cultural values prevailing in given society
and such problems as political conformism, national agreement and maintenance
of the basic values are perceived as the cultural basis providing stability and
predictability for the whole system, including the quest for efficiency of the
political arena. From this perspective cosmopolitanism is viewed as a threat to
national identity and basic cultural values as it is manifested in the
political discourse presented by the political class. The problems are examined
in the context of the pro- and anti- European Union attitudes of contemporary
political elites in Poland. In the parliamentary activities, the public
discussions or programmes, the elites of the political parties perceive the
issue of the accession as one of the main factors that polarises society in the
successive elections, since it is permanently exposed in the public discourse
practised by political organisations. In the official statements of these
movements, myths, phobias and hopes commonly rooted in Polish society are
reflected. The division of the political forum into those who opt for a quick
integration with the European Union and those who are against Western
acculturation seems to mirror the segregation into the elites that promote the
values of broadly understood civil society and those who oppose them. The
latter attitude seems to challenge the very idea of civil society, since the
anti-EU political factions expose the phobias and fears rooted in Catholic
xenophobic parochial tradition. Moreover, in this context cosmopolitanism is
identified with the loss national identity and main cultural values of Polish
society.
Andrew
Geddes, Migration and evolving forms of citizenship and membership in
the EU
This paper seeks to relate
core themes in contemporary European migration to a broader debate about
evolving forms of citizenship and membership. To being with it assesses key
elements of European migration as a backdrop for discussions of citizenship and
membership. It will focus on four key trends (i) a geo-political widening of
migration to include new migration countries (ii) a conceptual widening of
migration to include new forms of migration and types of state response (iii) a
temporal reconstruction of the policy response to include an intensified
European dimension and (iv) a temporal reconstruction of the policy response
with attempts to reconstruct at a temporal distance from past guestworker and post-colonial ecruitment
patterns new forms of 'positive' labour migration policies. These developments
will then be used as a backdrop for discussions of EU developments insofar as
they relate to migrants and minorities. The paper will address EU measures
providing for the rights of third country nationals, the evolving concept of
'civic citizenship' within the EU for third country nationals, and the
development of EU
anti-discrimination
legislation. The paper's main aim is to place ideas and practices
of European citizenship and membership in the context of contemporary European
migration dynamics and to evaluate these in relation to notions of
cosmopolitanism.
Jonathan
Seglow, Immigration, Sovereignty and Human Rights: Fortress Europe
and Beyond
The
Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, adopted in 2000, states
that the EU is founded on the values of 'human dignity, freedom [and] equality'
and yet also should 'respect the diversity of the cultures and traditions of
the peoples of Europe as well as the identities of the member states'. There are many sources of tension between
these two ideals, but one major dichotomy is that between liberal values and
the distinctive character of Europe as such. In
removing frontier controls between member states, but at the same time erecting
a 'fortress' around their external borders, members of the EU have championed
the universal value of individual freedom, but only extended it to members of a
prior political entity. This paper
reflects on the EU's fortress Europe
policy by subjecting immigration controls to ethical examination. Two main approaches to immigration are
counterpoised. A policy of open borders
may seem the logical extension the right to freedom of movement, but it leaves
little place for the expression of sovereignty.
Moreover, I argue, free movement only supports the right to travel to
other countries, but not to settle there since settlement is a kind of
status. Assertions of national
sovereignty, on the other hand, are often defended on the grounds that they
enable states to maintain a distinctive public culture. However, if the imperative is to preserve a
culture then that limits a state's collective right to control immigration:
since its discretion on policy is submerged beneath the over-riding imperative
of preservation. Moreover, such a policy
is hard to justify to outsiders. I seek
in the paper to decouple democratic sovereignty from the idea of a shared way
of life. On a contructivist
view, collective identities are manufactured and not regarded as fixed
pre-political essences. Returning to the
EU, this supports a policy of fairly open borders where there a few reasons in
principle why non-Europeans should not be granted membership. Citizenship should be subject to a residency
not an ethno-cultural test, but all those who enjoy the status of citizenship,
whether established insiders or recently assimilated outsiders, have a duty to
participate in the democratic project of fabricating a European political
identity.
Ebru Ogurlu, Multiculturalism
in Europe
Multiculturalism aiming the achievement of equal rights and recognition
for ethnic, racial, religious, or sexually defined groups has been one of the
most controversial intellectual and political movements in contemporary Western
democracies. The world is experiencing a transitional period in which nation
states have been losing their status as being the major focus of political
actions. Thus, the homogenous societies and the absolute unitary structure of
nation states built on the concepts of a single language, religion, ethnicity,
nation; a common land and a single state conjoined to each other in a perfect
manner are becoming hardly sustainable. Multiculturalism
has been emerging as a determinant factor for a peaceful coexistence and offering
a shift from a unitary, hierarchical and homogenous structure to a more dynamic
and egalitarian one where different cultural groups can harmoniously co-exist.
In Europe, multiculturalism has emerged as an important policy
issue and appeared as the most constructive and morally sustainable way for
public policy to face the challenges from different movements, although not all
European states are ready to accept various cultural groups in their
territories. So, at this panel, if I am given the opportunity, I will try to
find out to what extend it is possible to achieve a multicultural Europe. My main argument
will claim that Europe should revitalize its
dynamics and structures to deal with the diversities. Since, Europe open to other
cultural influences would gain its strength from the richness of this
multicultural whole. The meaning of multiculturalism; the emergence of
multicultural societies in Europe; national responses to the multicultural
societies in Germany, France and the United Kingdom and the existence of
Islamic communities in Europe as potential challenges to the multiculturalism
in the continent will be my main discussing points.
Filipe
Carreira da Silva, Deliberative
Democracy in the EU and the Challenge of Multilingualism
My starting assumption is
that more work on the political projects in the process of European integration
would be of value. In particular, the assessment of the future evolution of the
European Union (EU) and especially the prospects for its democratization
demands an analysis of the character and power of the institutions, actors and
forces associated with each project for change. In the proposed paper, I would
focus my attention on the case of the deliberative democratic political
project. The human ability to ‘take the attitude of the other’ is central to
this conception of politics. The coexistence of a plurality of national
languages in the EU (multilingualism), however, raises a formidable challenge
since it undermines the very medium through which mutual understanding is
supposed to take place. There is no European demos as such, conceiving itself
as a unity, recognizing interdependence between social groups, promoting a
unitary civil society and developing a forum for debate. My goal is, then, to
work out the implications of the lack of a European community of communication
in a world where globalization usually implies anglicization.
In democratic politics, language is power. In a plurilingual
polity such as the EU, the language issue becomes a crucial source of inequality.
The construction of a European-wide community of communication that allows all
to take part in the civic life of the polity thus emerges as an essential
condition for political equality. Language rights assume, from this
perspective, a pivotal importance. How can the fundamental democratic right to
use one’s language be reconciled with the plurilinguistic
nature of the EU polity? And to what extent does the process of political
deliberation suffer from the absence of a European public sphere? The answers
to such questions lie, I shall try to show in this paper, in a political
project that recognizes the centrality of the conflict between cultural
identity and political citizenship.
Peter A.
Kraus, Cosmopolitanism and the Politics of Identity in the Making of a European
Public Sphere
Institutional
attempts at creating a common political identity among Europeans have recently
culminated in the drafting of a constitution for Europe.
Constitution-making in the EU seems to entail an important innovative potential, compared to former historical settings, as political
unity is to be attained in a polycentric multinational community, in which
there is no hegemonic internal force controlling the process of integration.
Thus, it is an explicit goal of this process to avoid cultural standardization
and to protect diversity within the Union. To the extent
that Europeanization has loosened up the traditional interconnection of cultural and political identities that was a typical feature
of sovereign statehood, the EU may well be considered to constitute a
post-sovereign order, whose citizenship regime implies a clear departure from
formers models of national rule. In this context, European identity is often
used as an umbrella concept that points at the possibility of finding a common
civic framework for a multiplicity of collective attachments and that strongly
overlaps with cosmopolitan approaches to transnational
politics. At the same time, however, it is obvious that there may well be
considerable tensions between the different political and cultural identity
options that claim for recognition in the EU's
institutional setting. The normative ambiguities of "European
cosmopolitanism" contribute to sustaining a situation in which cultural
identities typically become tactical devices used in order to underpin the
articulation of nation-state interests in a system of intergovernmental
bargaining. The paper argues that the EU, so far, seems to be overwhelmed by
the dilemma involved in finding a balance between the protection of diversity
and the development of a common political framework for Europeans. The
resulting institutional inertia contributes to extending the dynamics of
"negative integration" to the realms of identities and culture. An
empirical case in point, that will be discussed in more
detail, is the European public sphere, where relying on the use of new
information technologies and on expert deliberation has not entailed a proper
broadening of the channels of transnational
political participation. In order to avoid the shortcomings of an abstract and
elitist cosmopolitanism, the paper will outline the perspective of a
"democratic interculturalism",
that underlines the relevance of processes of citizenization
under conditions of diversity.
Beathe Due and Christina Mörtberg,
Nordic e-strategies – a continuous Exctacy?
Nordic
IT-strategies and action plans, both on a national and transnational
level are based on visions to shape an information society or a knowledge
society for all. The policies emphasizes
that the Nordic countries seems to have requirements to put the aim into
practice since citizens’ to a high degree use the technology The Nordic
countries have, furthermore, a long tradition to involve the citizens’ in the
development of society. Both access to technology and citizen’s participation is a prerequisite in order to
create a democratic technology, but in what way are do they participate, who
and how do they participate? When we consider transformations do we also
discuss what kind of society we want? Launching these questions we want to
focus upon what is understood as to be a citizen in our contemporary context.
What is the concept of the citizen based on? In launching political actions an
imagination of the users, of the citizens are constructed. They are defined
through categories such as gender, age, level of education, region, ethnicity,
income, political preferences, class etc. Assumptions are made on how the users
will act or behave, then is used in the documents political rhetoric. Categorising
means that meanings stabilize in specific forms and not in others. A
consequence of classifications is that categories create boundaries and
intervene in our way of thinking. How the citizens’ are constructed by
classifications is problematic within a national region, but what are the
consequences when the same categorisations and pictures of the citizens are
used within a global network? How do we picture the citizens? Do we consider
citizens as actors or consumers? Within a changing field of tensions, how is a
vision of an information and knowledge society for all to be dealt with? Are we
(re)conceptualised and (re)constituted citizenship or do we reproduce stereotypes?
Matthew
Cannon, Rethinking Regionalism: Networks, Territory and Cross-border Regionalism
in the Transmanche Euroregion.
The emergence of the Transmanche Euroregion provides
an opportunity to study the impact of Europeanisation
on subnational governance in three EU member
states. The central governments of the United Kingdom, France, and Belgium were crucial to the early stages of Infrastructure
development embodied in projects such as the Channel Tunnel. However,
the inability of some central governments to provide completely for the
perceived impacts of a fixed link increased networking between sub-national and
supranational actors. The most notable innovation can be found at the sub-national level. The development of trans-frontier
co-operation between localities in order to anticipate the expected impacts
expanded to include formal institutionalised arrangements. Initially the Transmanche region was created
specifically to deal with the expected impact of the Channel Tunnel, and consisted of informal contact between Kent
County Council (KCC) and the Counsel Regional de Nord
Pas de Calais (CRNPC). The
success of local inter-regional co-operation led to an expansion of the region
to include Flanders, Wallonia, and Brussels Capital in a formal institutional
structure known as the Transmanche
Euroregion. Ultimately, the Transmanche Euroregion has become one of the most
successful trans-frontier regional lobbying entities operating in the European
Union, and an acknowledged pioneer in the Europeanisation
of subnational authorities. The proposed paper
examines the emergence of a specific European meso-level
sub-national actor, in the form of the Transmanche Euroregion. The
paper will examine the role of domestic structures in the U.K., France and Belgium in order to understand the emergence of
trans-national networks between sub-national actors, as well as the growth of
vertical relationships between European Union officials and local/regional
authorities. A comparative examination
of the role of central/local and federal structures of the participating members states in the development of cross-border regional
co-operation can provide insight into the impact of domestic structures on the Europeanisation of subnational
authorities.
Dora
Horvath, Europe’s New Actors and the Vision of Cosmopolitanism – Conflicting Ideas
A
number of analysis argue that the evolution of EU
represents a potential for change towards a cosmopolitan citizenship, identity
and community in Europe. This paper critically examines the actual processes
the EU is undergoing. I address three issues linked to the status of the
emerging EU citizenry. First it examines the redefinition of the citizenship
notion through abilities to appeal to supranational structures. The shaping of
any political union should run in parallel with the emergence of a
multidimensional citizenship understanding, impacting all the elements of the
notion: status (rights and duties), identity, activity (civic virtues), actors
(participation and representation). Second it examines the degree to which
these new institutions and rules create a basis for a ‘European identity’
transcending national identity. The new actors and networks contribute to the
multidimensionality of citizenship as they imply new hierarchies, ways of
representation and identity layers. However, this understanding is not
cosmopolitan – new actors and networks are not creating a European cosmopolitan
order and society. Third it undertakes an analysis of the actual treaties (Maastricht, Amsterdam
and ‘Constitutional’) establishing this in terms of their adequacy to the task.
The paper shows that while new hierarchies and ways of representation are
emerging, there are problems with the institutional and social gaps between the
premise of non-national communities and the actual legal structures. The latter
are actually about citizens, national and supranational authorities but the subnational and transnational
communities are rather assumed, not concretely enabled. That leads to the
impression that cosmopolitanism and cosmopolitan citizenship are not the
appropriate concepts for understanding a Europe
in which nation-state remains a most powerful form of political community, and
in which citizenship remains largely national. Moreover, it questions what the
new actors and networks can do to rectify the deficiencies and anomalies of
Union citizenship.
Robert Fine and Will Smith, Cosmopolitanism and Military Intervention
In a series of articles
written in the post-1989 period, Habermas has argued
that the challenge posed by the catastrophes of the twentieth century, the
violence of nationalism and the social consequences of globalisation, has given
new impetus to the idea of cosmopolitan justice first expressed by Kant. He
affirms that, if we are to grapple with the complexities of present-day
problems, we should take up the challenge posed by Karl-Otto Apel: to ‘think with Kant against Kant’ in reconstructing
the cosmopolitan idea. What follows in this paper is a critical assessment of Habermas’ response to this challenge. We focus on the
dilemmas he faces in grounding his normative commitment to cosmopolitan
politics and in reconciling his cosmopolitanism with the ideas of
constitutional patriotism and deliberative democracy he developed within a
national framework. The paper concludes by addressing Habermas's
approach to Europe from within this set of dilemmas.
Patrick
Stevenson, Language
(dis)loyalty and citizenship: on national language policies
and linguistic ideologies in post-national Europe
‘Language loyalty’ is
well-established in the inventory of basic sociolinguistic concepts and is
typically applied in the description of language choice in language contact
situations and, in monolingual contexts, to the study of socially and
contextually conditioned preferences for standard or non-standard speech forms.
In this paper, however, I would like to explore the ideological nature of the
concept by analysing discourses of language and citizenship in Germany, Austria and the UK in relation to recent legislation and official policy
statements. In the last few years, language (dis)loyalty
has entered into political discourse in these states as part of public debates
on the redefinition of nationhood in the context of transnational
cultural impulses, the growing movement of people, and the relocation of
economic and political power away from national governments. I shall argue that
unpalatable and unsustainable discourses of language and nation have not been
abandoned but recontextualised and reformulated in
terms of the relationship between language and citizenship. The requirement to
demonstrate competence in the ‘legitimate’ language of the majority population
is represented in official discourses as a question of ‘good faith’ on the one
hand (a sign of non-native speakers’ willingness to relinquish or at least
diminish their otherness and acknowledge the legitimacy of the majority), and
of ‘good governance’ on the other (democratic practice requires equal ability
to participate in processes of public discussion and debate). However, I shall
suggest that the purpose of these arguments is to salvage an idea of the
integrity of the nation still based on a stable monolingual norm that is
increasingly at odds with dynamic multilingual realities and that they are more
likely to hinder social inclusion than to promote it.
M.R.R. Ossewaarde, Cosmopolitanism
and patriotism in Europe
Several contemporary
philosophers, such Nussbaum and Habermas, argue that
world citizenship and/or supranational regimes are more likely to succeed in
dealing with global risks, promoting economic development. There seems to be a
general agreement that cosmopolitanism, that is, cosmopolitan political
institution building, is a condition sine qua non for safeguarding democracy in
Europe. The once sovereign states, the argument goes, have
long since forfeited the presumption of innocence conferred on them by the law of nations and can no longer appeal
to the principle of non-interference in their internal affairs. At the same
time the need for patriotic citizenship is acknowledged to maintain communities
in pluralistic societies. Hence, Habermas has
introduced the concept of ‘constitutional patriotism.’ But what is the meaning
of this highly abstract notion of patriotism? What is the relationship between
patriotism and cosmopolitanism?
This paper seeks to give a substantial critique of cosmopolitanism
in Europe (drawing on the problematics
of cultural identity in the European Convention) and offer suggestions for
coping with cultural diversity. The virtues and dangers of cosmopolitanism and
patriotism will be explored, which may not only cast light on the role of
national and local identities in Europe, but could also demonstrate the limits of cosmopolitanism as a
concept. The three themes the author deals with include (1) Cosmopolitanism in Europe; (2) Patriotic Europeans;
and (3) Are their still patrias
in Europe.
André Utzinger, Paving the Way for a Cosmopolitan
Identity
The present debate about
European integration makes it plain that the notion of identity has achieved
paramount importance. This is because a common European identity is widely
being regarded as an essential prerequisite for the EU to become a postnational democratic community. I do not subscribe to
this point of view for the following reasons. First, the above assumption
misses the unique structure of the EU, namely its cosmopolitan character.
Second, the conception of identity supporting this popular argument is
inappropriate as it considers identity to be a primordial cultural homogeneity.
In the proposed paper I would like to put forward an account of identity that
draws attention to the general process of identity-building rather than to the
particular content of a possible European identity. According to this approach,
people seek identification in order to meet truly fundamental needs, such as
security and belonging. This leads to the insight that the relation between the
identity of a people and its political institutions is not established in the
way that cultural homogeneity precedes democratic institutions. Conversely, it
is the functionality of institutions that fosters a common identity. This is
the reason why a congruity between patterns of identity and structures of
polity is usually found. As regards the EU, it is thus neither necessary nor
possible that a European identity is prior to the political institutions. It is
only by means of transnational rights and the status of union citizenship that
a common identity emerges. Moreover, European identity should be understood in
a cosmopolitan sense and not as a kind of national identity on a higher level.
A cosmopolitan identity finds its expression to a lesser degree in cultural
homogeneity – it is multiple and multileveled as is the structure of the postnational polity.
Levent Kırval, Convergence
of European Political Cultures: Reality or Myth?
The paper examines the challenges of enlargement for European Integration
by focusing on the political cultures of Europe’s five main regions and
particularly evaluates the EU candidates’ adaptability to West European
Political Culture writ large. In this context, the paper intends to examine the
salient aspects of major political cultures and their level of convergence in
Europe. The investigation will focus on the following five groups of countries;
‘Continental Europe’ (especially Benelux countries, Germany and Austria),
‘Northern Europe’ (Denmark, Sweden and Finland), ‘Britain and Ireland’,
‘Euro-Mediterranean Countries’ (France, Spain, Portugal and Italy) and
‘Southeastern and East-Central European’ countries (especially Greece, Turkey,
Cyprus, Poland, Czech Republic, Slovenia, Slovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria and
Romania). On the whole, the challenges as well as possibilities of creating a
European Citizenship and Identity with the present level of diversity in
political cultures will be explored. Moreover, the European Union institutions’
policies that are directly related to the creation of European citizenship and
convergence of political cultures will be identified and assessed. Paper will
also dwell upon the current European Convention discussions and the limits of a
supranational legal framework to converge the political cultures of the
European Union countries and solve the legitimacy problem of the EU
institutions. Possible resistances to such supranational legal and political
demands of Brussels by the Enlargement countries will also be commented upon.
Larry
Backer, Cosmopolitan Judicial Constitutionalism and the Ideal of a European
Union.
Since the 1950s the
European Court of Justice has championed a vision of a European metropolitan
cosmopolitanism that focuses on Europe as a singular jurisprudential community with a
substantial pool of common legal traditions.
This paper examines the judicial mechanics of cosmopolitanism and its
importance to the construction of a single political community under a European
Constitution. It focuses on two key
aspects of constitutional methodology: first, production by political bodies of
deliberately open-ended and ambiguous text, and second, acquiescence by political
bodies in judicial resolution of ambiguity or political/policy choices left
unresolved in the text. This long-term
dynamic of European constitutionalism is accelerated in its current stage – the
proposed constitution for Europe. I suggest
that this draft Constitution will augment the ECJ’s
ability to authoritatively articulate its vision of a cosmopolitan Europe
because it may be read to permit an expansion of judicial resort to general
principles of law, the development of a jurisprudence of which has been one of
the most remarkable feats of the ECJ.
This runs counter to the supposition that because the draft constitution
seems more concrete than its predecessors, cataloguing institutional powers,
including principles to be applied by the ECJ in resolving constitutional
issues, the ECJ’s flexibility will be
constrained. But this cataloguing seems
to provide a means to avoid rather than resolve a number of difficult issues,
and the ECJ’s ultimate authority to interpret
constitutional text remains substantially undisturbed. Moreover, because the ECJ will now interpret
a constitution, and not merely a set of international arrangements with
constitutional effect, it may draw more aggressively on the established
traditions of the Member States to fill gaps or resolve ambiguity. The potentially significant extent of this
result is illustrated toward the end of the paper, by considering the effect on
the ECJ’s interpretive powers were it to adopt the
German constitutional tradition of legal hierarchy that can be used to void
specific textual provisions of the constitution, and the French principle of
giving constitutional value to extra-constitutional texts.
Alessandra
Beasley, Public Discourse and Cosmopolitan Political Identity:Inventing the European Union Citizen
As the European Union
reaches out internationally as an innovative political entity, it reaches in domestically to its citizens to
invent new political identities, norms and conventions. This proposed paper addresses the rhetorical
dimensions of European Union citizenship as it focuses on public discourse as
constitutive of new models of political participation and engagement. The paper argues that, thus far, European
Union citizenship has been constructed largely in economic terms, inviting EU
citizens to participate in political life as customers. However, a purely economic formulation of EU
citizenship is unlikely to redeem the promise of a rich and vibrant political
culture emerging in Europe, in the wake of the EU constitution. Therefore, one of the central challenges
facing scholars, political leaders and citizens is to fashion new argumentative
spaces that enable citizens to forge cosmopolitan political identities that may
help fulfill the vision of the EU as a vibrant
deliberative body. Tracing the idea of
citizenship in the writings of Hannah Arendt, Immanuel Kant, and Gianbattista
Vico, the proposed paper argues that European Union
citizens can become cosmopolitan citizens, as part of the order of humanity.
J.C Rosas, How Cosmopolitan is
European Citizenship?
My purpose in this paper is
to present European citizenship, or citizenship of the European Union, as a
case-study for the wider debate on the possibility of cosmopolitan
citizenship. I submit that European citizenship is an example that both friends
and foes of cosmopolitan citizenship should be able to refer to. Both schools
of thought should be able to understand what's going on with the formation of
European citizenship and making sense of it in their arguments. My central thesis is Janus-faced. I cannot agree with those who only see the exclusionary aspect of European
citizenship. By the same token, I cannot agree with those who see in European citizenship the Newfoundland for cosmopolitans of all denominations. Each of these
two radical answers is missing something that the other one addresses. Each one
of these answers helps us to see what the other one muddles up. European
citizenship is both a limitation and a pathway to cosmopolitan citizenship. On the one hand, Euro-citizenship is
exclusionary in its general access—as exclusionary as any other status of
national citizenship of the member states—and it fuels the arguments of those
who think that the very idea of cosmopolitan citizenship is oxymoronic or
unworkable. On the other hand, Euro-citizenship may be seen as paving the way
to cosmopolitan citizenship, because it is located beyond existing
nation-states and it already contains some elements that establish a direct
link between the right of abode in the territory of the member sates and the
rights of the Union's citizens.